On Friday, the Fijian population was shocked to discover that seven masked
men had entered Parliament House in the capital, Suva, while Parliament was
sitting and had taken members of the government hostage.
Soon, heavily armed men were observed guarding the parliamentary grounds.
Looting broke out and shops owned by ethnic Indians were ransacked and
burnt.
The coup was directed against the ethnic-Indian prime minister, Mahendra
Chaudhry, who had been in office for only a year. The action marked the
third coup in Fiji in thirteen years, although this time the military did
not appear to be involved.
The coup leader, George Speight, is a businessman who has worked for eight
years in Australia. He has declared that the constitution, which allowed the
election of an (ethnic) Indian to head the government, is now void.
George Speight has variously announced the appointment of a new prime
minister and a new president and himself as both prime minister and head of
state. He says he is seeking recognition of the rights of the indigenous
Fijian half of the population.
Sunday reporter Hugh Riminton, producer Nick Farrow and cameraman Les
Seymour have gained extraordinary access to the coup leader.
These interviews give the first insight into the thoughts of rebel George
Speight.
-----
Early Saturday night, coup leader George Speight walked to the gate of the
Parliament House grounds and spoke to Fijian and International reporters:
Speight: Today's first step? Nothing at all. Quite frankly, e continue to
hold the former members of the Labour coalition government led by Mahendra
Chaudhry, the former Indian Prime Minister. The members continue to be
detained. Their well-being: I want to assure the international community
they are safe, they are very happy, they're secure and basically they spent
all day in Parliament today sitting around and drinking grog, having some
food and engaging in stories.
Reporter: To those who call you a terrorist or a threat to the nation,
what's your response?
Speight: Well what would you expect? I'd like to question the legal...the
claim; I presume you are referring to His Excellency the Honorable Ratu Sir
Kamisese Mara. From where I sit he has no legal claim to the title of
President and I will explain in detail what I mean by that.
Reporter: I wish to know whether you or people assisting you in anyway put
your hands or beat the former Indian Prime Minister as you referred to him?
Speight: Definitely not. Any suggestion that we manhandled or physically
injured the former PM Mr. M. Chaudhry in any way are scandalous and deserve
to be treated with the utmost contempt.
Reporter: Are you a violent man; are you prepared to kill to get what you
want?
Speight: I'm not a violent man. I would propose that I'm a purposed man who
is determined to implement the measures to ultimate conclusion and
fulfillment of the ah... securing of the rights of the indigenous people
that has been represented to the coalition government that I overthrew but
which they persistently chose to ignore.
Reporter: Why are you still holed up in Parliament behind locked gates?
Speight: I put it to you that the reason why we are behind locked gates is
by my doing and by my design. In fact it's to actually protect the safety
and well being of the members whom I hold because of the absolute immense
level of the backlash of public hate for them. But if I let them move
outside these gates they probably steal their life.
Well, let me explain the legal foundations which are at the core of my
current statements because I believe that these, the legal foundations I
will clarify to you will basically explain why I believe there will be some
resolution very quickly. When I overthrew the coalition government of
Mahendra Chaudhry yesterday in fact at the same time I abrogated the
constitution of Fiji, through a civilian coup. My actions install in Fiji a
civilian-led government with me as its head of state to effectively control
power. But in abrogating the constitution I effectively removed all laws
existing in Fiji so we have no legal foundation on which to run our affairs.
Consequently we have two options on which to progress, with regard to
establishing a legal foundation for the running of the affairs of the
civilian government which I put in place: One was to bring back, use my
executive powers as head of state to bring back the abrogated constitution
with certain amendments that would safeguard the status of the indigenous
Fijians; or alternatively I would proceed down the path of the formulation
and promulgation of appropriate decrees which would achieve the same thing
in its own way. I have chosen the latter strategy and that is to formulate
and promulgate decrees. In fact we have gazetted as I speak six decrees, the
first of which brings back the basic laws of Fiji, which will regulate the
affairs and the day to day business of my government and then secondly onto
the fourth, fifth and sixth we have implemented further decrees to give my
powers in order to conduct the business of Fiji.
(Interruption)
Can I just finish please. It effectively means that the position of
President and in fact Vice President held by His Excellency Ratu Sir
Kamisese Mara and Ratu Josefa Iloilo Uluivuda ceased to exist once I
promulgated those decrees.
The statements coming from His Excellency Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara and
claiming to act under the title of President I am here to inform the
international media that that is an illegal, illegal use of the title of
President. For in fact we have a new President of Fiji. I used my executive
powers incurred upon me by the decrees which we promulgated to install today
a new President of Fiji and that gentleman is a very high ranking chief in
his own right and goes by the name of the Honorable Ratu Jope Seniloli.
I overthrew the government, set aside the constitution, promulgated six new
decrees which gave me executive authority of the affairs of the country of
Fiji, my country, and in so doing have established, have passed the head of
state authority for executive control into the position of a new President.
Later in the evening, when other media had departed, George Speight gave
Sunday this exclusive and remarkably informal interview with reporter Hugh
Riminton, outside the gates of Parliament House:
George Speight (shaking hands with supporters): We have the press here.
Hugh Riminton: Just one from Channel Nine. These are among your supporters.
Does it feel good to come and meet these people who are standing in the rain
here to ...
Speight: I recognize you, what's your name again?
Riminton: Hugh Riminton from Channel Nine
Speight: George Speight.
Riminton: Nice to meet you. Is it good to stand here with people who plainly
share your views?
Speight: Well absolutely. I think the foreign press should take into
consideration that, rather than looking for just my personal statements on
this matter why don't you invoke the views of the people and find out. And I
think you should do that, you should ask them what do they think of what's
going on?
Riminton: We have done (that) during the day; we've spoken to some that are
here. You seem very relaxed. You must be short of sleep; it's been a
momentous few days.
Speight: I haven't slept for three days so I guess that explains why I'm
looking a bit worse for wear.
Riminton: Are you feeling relaxed? You seem very confident.
Speight: Oh absolutely. I mean, you know this is a very important exercise.
I represent indigenous people of my country and their aspirations and their
future, so what should I fear?
(A rain shower has begun but the interview continues.)
Riminton: Ratu Mara has made some very strong statements today; he says that
you're terrorizing people and that he won't bow down to threats. What is
your response to that?
Speight: Well I'm not threatening Ratu Mara. I'm merely exerting a position
which is afforded to me by virtue of my actions in overthrowing the
government and subsequently my legal position by virtue of the six decrees
which I have promulgated in the last 24 hours.
Riminton: And so your next move now?
Speight: Well my next move now is to wait and see what his next move is but
essentially I will proceed because an interim government has been sworn in
and on the legal foundation of the six legal decrees that I have written and
which have all been gazetted and then we will continue with the execution of
the administration of government. I am the interim Prime Minister of Fiji as
I speak whilst Ratu Mara has no legal basis for his comments, particularly
if he insists on using the title of President, which ceases to exist as I
speak because I have abrogated the constitution. I continue to contain the
members of the former government and I have abrogated the constitution as I
said, so that's the situation. But there's no doubting his chiefly influence
is summoning the support of a great number of organizations and good luck to
him.
Riminton: Given that you have this legal status as you point out, are you
yet in the position or when will you be in the position to feel confident
enough to release Mr. Chaudhry and the rest who of course legally now have
no status at all?
Speight: Well I think that depends on His Excellency Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara
whom I have the greatest for. He continues to deny the valid, the legitimate
valid foundation from which I speak and I suppose a lot of that is to do
with the fact that we haven't circulated a lot of the decrees and copies of
it. I mean we intend to circulate the six decrees that we have promulgated
in the next 24, 48 hours. Hopefully they'll reach his office and his person
and he'll read them and he'll begin to realize that we don't speak you know
in a frivolous fashion. I mean we, yes, I have overthrown the former
government you know but we've also taken steps to set a legal foundation
from which I speak and you know we're attempting dialogue and I'm sure we
can reach a resolution if he recognizes me.
Riminton: How will you circulate these decrees, given that as I understand
it, the printing office won't ...
Speight: As easy as I came out here to talk to you.
Riminton: You feel a free man in this country...
Speight: I am a free man in this country. I'm the Prime Minister of this
country. And you know the forces of the Fiji police are at my disposal as I
speak. I have executive authority over them. If they choose not to fulfill
my request I respect their right. We're not in a confrontational mode but I
said you know the distribution of the decrees will take place to all of the
government ministries over the next 24, 48 and 54 hours and they will come
to learn of the legal foundation from which I issue instructions and we
should all commence with the administration of the affairs of government
very quickly.
Riminton: General Rabuka has said that he will call a meeting of the Great
Council of Chiefs for next Tuesday. What do you think that meeting will have
to say?
Speight: Well I mean again there's the issue of legality of that meeting.
You know right now the Great Council of Chiefs does not exist because I have
abrogated the constitution but, as I said, there is traditional and social
support for these structures and to the extent that its members wish to get
together and discuss these issues which are affecting us at the moment that
is their right and I welcome them to do so.
Riminton: The Chiefs of Bau today said they did not support you.
Speight: Well I expect that because I have been very forthcoming in my
analysis of the extent and the outcomes of my actions, I mean essentially,
if you are a member of the province of Bau I mean part of my action has
actually abolished the position of Vice-President and you know Ratu Sir
Iloilo, who is a high-ranking chief of Fiji, whom I respect greatly, is the
current holder of the Vice-President title in Fiji and I don't doubt that by
stating that fact that it's going to anger some people.
Riminton: Is it not fair to say that you ...
Speight: Can I leave now?
Riminton: Sorry, just one last one, is it not fair to say that you can't
hope to carry the indigenous Fijians with you unless you can also carry
their Chiefs who they obviously revere so much?
Speight: Absolutely and I'm confident that if the Chiefs concentrate on the
issues about which I'm espousing they'll come around in good time.
Riminton: Mr. Speight thanks for your time.
Speight: Thank you. Take care. See you later. Let's go.
George Speight then walked on the road outside the gates of Parliament
House. Hugh Riminton walked with him and asked a few more questions.
Riminton: Sir, do you hope to get some rest tonight?
Speight: Oh absolutely, I mean I'm getting about 30 minutes to 40 minutes of
sleep a night. That's plenty isn't it, under the current pressure?
Riminton: Do you feel that the real crisis point has passed, that there's
now some settlement or do you think the crisis point is still to come?
Speight: No I think the crisis point has passed to the extent that the act
has been committed. I have overthrown the government. I mean naturally there
is a big backlash of emotion to be expected from that. I mean you know it's
caused disruptions to the economy and ah... a lot of people feel that I've
injured their rights enshrined in the constitution that I have set aside.
And you know the resultant chaos that's emanated but aside from that you
know I mean the act has been done you know. What is going to happen now is
dialogue and negotiation and at some point in time you know the parties have
to meet because the issues about which I'm championing are you know common
to all of us in some form or fashion. So we're all on the same page; it's
just that someone's up here, down here, over there.
Riminton: Do you regret the violence and the looting that happened
yesterday?
Speight: Oh yes.
Riminton: What would you say to people about how they should behave?
Speight: We certainly don't condone the violence and anybody who's involved
in sporadic outburst of looting and burning I mean these people are just
off; I mean we don't, we don't condone that. And they should stop it.
Because the outcry of the indigenous people was basically centered around
removing the Mahendra Chaudhry government and I have effectively done that.
So we've achieved what we want in respect of one of the key elements that
was presented in the march and so there's no need for civil unrest. And what
then takes place now is negotiation between the parties.
Riminton: Calm negotiation can sort this out?
Speight: Exactly and that's what I'm promulgating, that's what has taken
place last night between Rabuka and myself on behalf of his excellency and
you know hopefully we'll continue tomorrow. Tomorrow's Sunday though I mean
tomorrow is normally a church day for everybody in Fiji so...
Riminton: Do you countenance the possibility that you could fail?
Speight: No. I mean the fact that I've attracted this much attention and
this much focus and this, and a new resolve from His Excellency Ratu Sir
Kamisese Mara, in his statements today, say, where he is absolutely
committed to ensuring that the issues raised by the indigenous people of
Fiji, via their petitions to him presented at the end of their marches will
be given due credence and will be addressed and you know solutions proposed.
I mean, quite frankly, these are knee-jerk reactions as far as I'm
concerned. That type of response was what was sought from the government
that I overthrew and indeed from perhaps former administrations as well.
Because this is the culmination of an up swell of something that's been
dormant in the minds of our people but gaining momentum over time.
Riminton: How long have you planned it?
Speight: How long have I planned what?
Riminton: Have you planned this action that's taken place over the last...
Speight: Ah, twelve months.
Riminton: You've been working on it 12 months, basically since the election?
Speight: Well I've been thinking about it for twelve months like perhaps
every other Fijian in Fiji because there've been many instances of public
statements by indigenous people about their discontent about the Chaudhry
government. I mean they just don't like it, including, may I add, members of
their coalition partnership, the Fijian Association Party. So it's not new
what I've done; it's what the people expect. The very fact that I've done it
in the manner I've done you know has shocked people but by and large they
condone it because talks of a coup, whether military or social or civil have
been the order of the day in Fiji since Mahendra Chaudhry took power.
Riminton: Mr. Chaudhry was elected though by a majority and he was elected
under a constitution. He has a democratic mandate to be in ...
Speight: I don't doubt that whatsoever.
Riminton: There's no democracy, no place for democracy?
Speight: Sorry what's your first name again?
Riminton: Hugh.
Speight: Hugh. I mean I don't doubt that whatsoever Hugh. You know but you
need to look back at the sequence of events which led to the establishment
and the ratification of that constitution in Fiji, the one we used in last
year's election okay? It was the subject of great debate; wide commentary
was sought from the people of Fiji about what they felt about that
constitution and its structure and its composition and whilst... I mean all
this is on the back of 1987 mind you. So here we are, there's a new
constitution in place. Quite frankly no one really understood how it worked
because for the first time in our history we were going from a first past
the post system to a preferred vote system and all of the machinations of
that if you like. I mean, the public of Fiji frankly had very little time to
digest the implications of the new constitution, particularly in effect to
the possibilities of election outcomes. But clearly what it showed, whilst
the intent was there to foster closer ties between the different communities
in Fiji I mean the outcome shocked everybody. You know one minute we had Mr.
Rabuka in power and the next minute he was defeated so convincingly you know
that to walk into Parliament as an indigenous Fijian is almost like an
affront to your identity because the opposition is composed of only eight or
nine members on this one little tiny corner of the parliamentary oval and
they're completely surrounded by the coalition government. I mean that is a
testimony of the degree of concern that people have. That result.
Riminton: The Chaudhry government could not have been elected though without
votes from indigenous Fijians.
Speight: I understand that I mean they did pick up some indigenous votes and
rightly so because you know Fiji for a small country is very very complex.
Riminton: Are you not if I could just interrupt for a moment, are you not
betraying those indigenous Fijians who supported the Chaudhry government?
Speight: Yes I do and I apologies for that and I don't doubt that. But I
challenge those people who are part of the Chaudhry Labour government in
terms of Fijian indigenous supporters, right, that at the core of what I've
done are long-term, far-reaching indigenous issues, right, that lie at the
core of our identity, the kinds of things we need to have in terms of
political and commercial and social control over our country -- there's only
450,000 of us mind you, less than half a million Fijians in this country,
right 7,000 square miles approximately, and you know if we let what has
taken place continue, quite frankly there is a distinct possibility that the
Fijian, the indigenous Fijians' input is going to gradually dwindle to the
extent where it's ineffective.
Riminton: You spoke today of warning of possibly fatal consequences if there
was to be any reprisals or any attacks.
Speight: Well all I am saying is that when you execute an action like this
you're prepared for the worst possible scenario and all I'm saying is that
we are. And I say that with the greatest of respect to any party who's out
there and to anybody who's thinking of reprisals on us. May I urge you
please it's not necessary, you're not going to achieve anything because we
are highly prepared to retaliate if we have to.
Riminton: Against whom? Against your hostages?
Speight: If necessary, yes, and that is part and parcel of an overthrow
situation and you know I'm not going to apologies for that.
Riminton: So you'd be willing to kill them if it came to that?
Speight: Well put it this way right, I have told everyone at large, right,
who has considered reprisals against us of an armed nature in respect to the
former Members of Parliament whom we are securing at the moment that if they
do so you know they are actually taking a decision in causing us to
jeopardize their lives. Because we are detaining them. In the detention
process we have gained attention, right, we have gained a focus on the
issues about which we want to be addressed. It is therefore no longer
necessary for anyone to try and interfere because what needs to happen next
is dialogue on those issues. We have set in train a legal process to affect
that dialogue and to give it a foundation. And all we're asking for is a
recognition by His Excellency Ratu Mara and then we can start to talk.
Riminton: Would it be...
Speight: If, if.. he consistently chooses to not recognize the opposition
and he does so at the same time possibly risking the safety of people up
here.
Riminton: Are you willing to die for this cause?
Speight: Absolutely, it's just a non-issue, I mean phh.
Riminton: You say that this dialogue must finally settle all this. As part
of that dialogue what do you see for yourself, would a requirement be that
you remain the head of state in whatever future negotiated settlement is
reached?
Speight: Well not necessarily Hugh. I'm a reasonable man you know. These
actions are designed with our long-term implications in mind. This is not
about me, George Speight, I mean; this is about very much the concerns by a
large community of our people. And having said that I proceed with what I,
with what I'm doing. So, you know, let's hope that people in Fiji and people
internationally will focus on the issues and focus on the concerns and
understand the reason why I've taken these actions. Indeed, they're not the
first time it's happened in Fiji's history. And let's move you know. The
first time it happened it led to what we have, to what we have. The second
time it happened let's hope it results in what we want and that's all I can
say. Thanks Hugh.
Riminton: Do you believe these men will get out free, will be okay?
Speight: (walking off) Thank you Hugh, Yes, yes, yes.
Riminton: Thank you very much for your time Mr. Speight.
Speight: Thanks Hugh.
With that George Speight went back through the grille of the parliamentary
gate, guarded by armed men in plain clothes, as well as police.
Late in the night, following rumors that a doctor and ambulance had been
called to attend Mahendra Chaudhry, Sunday's veteran cameraman, alone, was
ushered into the grounds of Parliament House to speak with George Speight.
Speight: I am concerned about a BBC report from one of their web sites,
that's alleging that I have taken to the use of firearms on a personal
level, in order to threaten and subdue Mr. Mahendra Chaudhry, the Prime
Minister of Fiji whom I have in my custody at the moment. I'd just like to
say that it's absolutely untrue, it's ridiculous and I'd like to urge and
make a special plea to the international media to just adopt a responsible
level of reporting in these important matters that are going on in my
country at the moment.
Les Seymour: How's the health of everybody inside?
Speight: The health of everyone inside is fine; we have medical doctors as
you can see at our disposal who come and go as required. We have the Red
Cross as well who send medical people to visit the Members of Parliament
whom we have in our custody. Generally everyone's in good health. They're
safe and sleeping at this time.
Seymour: Is Mr. Chaudhry unconscious? There was a report that he'd gone
unconscious.
Speight: No, Mr. Chaudhry has suffered a bit of stress earlier on in the
evening. One of the members of his Cabinet actually is a medical doctor,
came down and administered to him and told me that his blood pressure was
normal, his pulse rate was normal and in addition to that he had applied the
oxygen mask as a precaution, but I checked not more than five minutes before
coming here Les, and Mr. Chaudhry is well; he's asleep in the company of his
son and some of the other members of the Cabinet. He should be up early in
the morning for breakfast as usual.
Seymour: And what about the other people that you're holding; what's their
health like?
Speight: Absolutely perfect, everyone's fine as I said, Les. Their health
and their safety have not been compromised since I took the actions that I
did on Friday morning.
Seymour: And what's the situation like inside? Are your people tense and is
the situation likely to get out of control?
Speight: No I mean the situation is not tense but as is required of any
action of this type we're on constant high alert. And you can appreciate
that. As you can see we have armed men around; the compound is manned by
police as well as our own people. Things are fine. What does concern me
though is that media reports that have come to my attention have revealed
that Mrs. Kuini Speed, who is the Deputy Prime Minister of this country, was
receiving medical assistance in Sydney, Australia at the moment is going out
of the way to encourage your government and perhaps even the New Zealand
government to consider reprisals against us. I'd just like to reiterate to
Mrs. Kuini Speed that these actions are irresponsible; there is no need for
them; they won't achieve anything and what we are pursuing is a line of
dialogue you know with the channels of communication still open at this
time.
Seymour: How's your own health? You getting much sleep?
Speight: No, I'm not getting much sleep at all but I mean that's normal
isn't it, Les?
Seymour: Yes, I'd say so.
Speight: Do I look like I need sleep?
Seymour: Ah, you do at the moment, yes.
Speight: OK, I think it's that bright light of yours.
Seymour: I'm sorry about that. Is there any message you want to get out?
Speight: For the second time in our country, through obviously illegal
actions and undemocratic actions that I have I undertaken -- and I agree
with that -- I have been able to turn the spotlight on indigenous concerns
and indigenous interests on behalf of my people. I mean we desire
self-determination in our commercial and our political affairs. It's
something we don't enjoy at the moment and it's something we never have
enjoyed. That's with due respect to the racial composition of our country.
The doctor who had treated Mahendra Chaudhry during the night was reported
as saying the arrested prime minister was suffering from exhaustion and
showed no signs of having been beaten.
During the early hours of the morning, nine of the politicians being held
hostage were released, s well as a bodyguard.
There are thought to be dozens of people still remaining hostage in the
parliamentary grounds.
This text may have been edited to protect the writer.
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